Posts Tagged 'guatemala'

Guatemala: Fed up with corruption (New Internationalist)

General elections in Guatemala usually follow a predictable pattern of propaganda, violence and despair. This year, three lacklustre centrist candidates – rightwing populist Manuel Baldizón who promises to reintroduce the death penalty, former first lady Sandra Torres and comedian Jimmy Morales – are vying for the presidency. But the build up to September’s vote has been anything but routine.

Guatemala is facing a political crisis that has seen tens of thousands march against repeated corruption scandals. The movement has toppled a plethora of high-ranking government officials.

“The youth are not willing to tolerate the corruption that earlier generations have grown accustomed to,” says Mario Polanco, a Guatemalan human rights activist.

The exposure – by a UN-backed anti-impunity commission – of a multi-million-dollar customs fraud scheme has led to the arrest of 20 state officials and the resignation of the vice-president and six ministers. But that was only the beginning.

Subsequent investigations prompted the jailing of the heads of the central bank and social security institute, cast doubts over individuals within the main opposition party and concluded that the country’s elections are flush with illegal money.  

Guatemala is no stranger to a protest; but in a deeply divided country, with a history of conflict between the rural and urban population, corruption fatigue has prompted an unprecedented display of unity.

“People who had never protested before came out onto the streets. People aged 50 or older protested against these abuses for the first time. Crucially, they protested alongside students from all kinds of universities, people of diverse economic and cultural backgrounds and gay people. Even in a country as machista as Guatemala, everyone was welcome,” said Polanco.

Emboldened by the imprisonment of dozens of suspects and the resignation of others, many protesters are calling for the elections to be postponed until Congress approves a series of electoral reforms.

Guatemala has struggled with high-level corruption for years, and few believe that swapping the current president for another will make a difference; what the country needs is a new constitution that mandates electoral reform, to bring in changes such as tighter rules about party financing.

But until that happens, one thing has changed, says Polanco. “The people won’t put up with these abuses any longer. They’ve become empowered and I’m sure they will continue protesting, even against corruption in the next government.”


How one Guatemalan woman’s quest for justice inspired a regional anti-violence movement (Latin Correspondent)

Kimberly Bautista originally went to Guatemala to make a documentary about domestic violence and the under-reported issue of femicide (the violent killing of women). But that was just the beginning.

Her award-winning film Justice for My Sister, which started out as a proposed project on a graduate school application, has propelled her on a Central American-wide movement to demand an end to gender-based violence.

Justice for My Sister tells the story of Rebeca, a Guatemalan woman desperate to seek justice for her sister, who was beaten to death by her ex-boyfriend, in a country where the rule of law is weak and impunity reins.

The promotional poster for Justice for My Sister.

One in every five women will be sexually assaulted, and in Central America more than 90 percent of domestic violence or murder cases are never solved, according to the film’s official website.

For Bautista, the eradication of gender-based violence is a personal subject — she herself was targeted and raped at gunpoint during a home invasion while producing Justice for My Sister in Guatemala.

“I realized then that the film had to be much more than an advocacy piece,” says Bautista. “It needed to be part of a larger solution to actively prevent gender-based violence through leadership development, so that participants are trained to become resources to their peers.”

So, while on a regional tour with the film, Bautista and the Justice for My Sister Collective launched 16 short documentaries on their YouTube channel to address the issue of domestic violence and chronicle the stories of survivors to encourage others to break the silence.

“Every time we screen [the documentary] audiences come forward and share their own stories. In 2013, I decided I wanted to document some of the other stories to highlight the far-reaching impact of gender-based violence and bring more visibility to other cases as well. Many of the stories in our web series are of survivors that had seen Rebeca’s story in the feature documentary and decided they also wanted to share their stories,” says Bautista.

The team has also produced materials and trainings in domestic violence prevention tailored towards a variety of audiences, including police, judges, lawyers, indigenous communities and men who work in male-dominated industries.

“Entire communities need to empower themselves by understanding how to identify the different forms of violence, as well as how to offer solutions, which is why we develop local resource guides (many audiences otherwise don’t know where to go for help) and it’s also why we emphasize the importance of healthy relationships,” says Bautista.

On Valentine’s Day, the Justice for My Sister Collective plans to host an English and Spanish web chat with different activists on their YouTube channel about self-love and smashing patriarchy. The following month, Justice for My Sister will be screened at the United Nations in New York City as part of the Commission on the Status of Women.

“In the case of a documentary that deals with human rights issues, getting an audience to see a film can be a question of life or death. I ultimately hope to affect real change in people’s lives by educating audiences about these unsolved and sometimes unreported murders. I hope that audiences will be inspired by Rebeca’s unwavering determination to bring justice to light and will question how they can contribute to diminish violence against women and rework the way they think about gender power dynamics in their own lives,” says Bautista.

More than rumors drive Central American youths toward U.S. (LA Times)

With so many heading north, now seemed the time to reunite. The teens filled a single backpack with three days’ worth of clothes, and their mother paid a coyote, or guide, to take her daughters and a 10-year-old girl from the village to the U.S. border nearly 2,000 miles away.

Crossing the Suchiate River into Mexico on an inner tube and traveling mostly by bus, they seemed to be among the lucky ones. They avoided the extortion, rape and other crimes so prevalent along the route — up until the moment an immigration agent pulled them from a bus in central Mexico. 

Held for a week in a shelter near Mexico City with dozens of other girls and boys, they ate pizza and watched telenovelas until they were dispatched back home.

“I cried and cried and cried,” said Karen, 15. “Only when I finally saw all the other girls did I calm down.”

Sindy, a year older, has memorized her mother’s phone number in North Carolina, and said she just wanted to get to know her.

“I know her only by photos,” Sindy said.

Some Central Americans feel encouraged by rumors that children who cross into the United States will be allowed to stay. But other fundamental reasons fueling migration have remained unchanged for decades: family unification, hometown violence, inescapable poverty and lack of opportunity.

Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador, the so-called Northern Triangle of Central America, are among the poorest and most dangerous countries in the hemisphere. Plagued by ruthless street gangs and a growing presence of Mexican drug traffickers, the countries have seen homicide rates grow by 99% over the last decade, with the current rate five times that of the United States, according to a new study by the British-based Action on Armed Violence.

Karen and Sindy’s father and grandfather were shot to death in unsolved killings. The family can no longer afford to pay for Sindy’s schooling. The town where they live, Horcones, in Jutiapa state near the border with El Salvador, can’t pay its electricity or water bills to the federal government.

The homes, by contrast, reflect the wealth of remittances, money sent back by those who have migrated to the U.S. Many are well-constructed, with solid sheet-metal roofs and fancy Greek-style columns. In the Laucel house, the kitchen has a sparkling new Whirlpool refrigerator, although it is nearly empty, and a matching four-burner range, which is not plugged in. But the money arrives sporadically and lends itself to big-ticket purchases rather than steady sustenance.

Karen and Sindy’s mother, Mirna, is one of five siblings; all but one are in the Southeastern United States, sending money home and frequently calling the children they left behind. Mirna has never been back to visit.

The Obama administration says it detained more than 50,000 “unaccompanied minors” trying to cross the border in the first half of this year.

In fact, the smuggling of people to the U.S. is big business. Coyotes, who in Mexico are often descendants of some of the country’s most vicious drug cartels, can charge $7,000 or more for a single migrant. These networks may in fact be stimulating the current exodus by lying about the difficulties of the journey and giving false promises about what lies ahead, experts say.

The United States has repeatedly asked Mexico to take stronger steps to block passage by Central Americans heading toward the U.S. border, but enforcement has been spotty. The Mexican immigration department says the number of minors apprehended has increased by about 7% this year.

Those making the journey often try to pass themselves off as Mexicans, learning the vernacular and wearing fancy sunglasses.

In El Carmen, a Guatemalan city on the border with Mexico, scores of adults and children were arriving in buses one day last week and hurrying over to rafts waiting to take them across the river.

The route was under the same bridge where Mexican immigration authorities were posted. The migrants would land a few feet away and scramble up a bank, largely undetected — perhaps deliberately — by the agents.

Among the relatives was Soila Salazar, Karen and Sindy’s grandmother, who was relieved to see them. “I was desperate when they left, so worried,” she said. “But there are so many problems here.”

Ludvin Lima Gonzalez, 15, was there as well, waiting for his mother, Aura.

Back home a couple of days later in Nueva Concepcion, in the gang-terrorized state of Escuintla, south of Guatemala City, Ludvin said he wanted to go north to help his impoverished family. He has 10 siblings, ages 7 to 32, and a sick father who can’t work. The family lives off meager corn crops.

Some of his friends have been killed for refusing to join the gangs, and members of the family could tick off a series of recent slayings. “You look at them the wrong way and they kill you,” Ludvin said.

“It is painful” to see a child leave, said Aura Gonzalez, 49. “You ask God to protect them. But that’s the necessity.”

As in neighboring El Salvador and Honduras, street gangs — some whose roots are in Los Angeles — have occupied large parts of Guatemala. The three countries have been trying to recover from civil wars and other conflict in the 1980s and ’90s.

The choice for children is bleak, said the Rev. Gerardo Salazar, a priest in the Nueva Concepcion parish.

“You dedicate yourself to drugs and violence, or you grab the road to the United States, as complicated as that is,” he said.

At every Sunday Mass, Salazar said, he is asked to pray for young people killed in town, where about $12 is all it takes to hire an assassin.

Karen, thin and compact, seemed withdrawn, reluctant to talk much. Sindy, her full face surrounded by a bouquet of dark curls, vacillated between chatterbox and shy teenager.

Sindy said the camaraderie of the other children tempered her fear on the perilous journey through Mexico.

“I was going along happy, with all the other kids, and thinking I was finally going to get to know my mom,” she said. She said she was told to surrender to U.S. immigration officials when she reached that border and that all would be well. But she didn’t get that far.

She thought perhaps the Mexican immigration authorities zeroed in on her because she was “shaking so much.” Most of the other minors were Honduran; she, her sister and the 10-year-old were the only Guatemalans on the bus.

Now, back home, all she wanted was to take a bath and to sleep. And then, maybe, to try again.

Guatemala is the deadliest place in the world to be a trade unionist (VICE News)

“In 1994 they killed my son. A boy of 12 who didn’t have anything to do with this. In the same year, some of my colleagues were murdered and then my daughter was kidnapped. They threw her inside a car, tortured her, did what they wanted to her and then took her to an empty place. They shot her in the head to make sure she was dead. But there in the darkness, I don’t know what happened. She must have moved because the bullet went through her eye. They thought they’d killed her, but around five in the morning, a man found her. After that she went into exile,” says Luis Lara.

From what he’s saying, you might expect Luis Lara is a freedom fighter targetted by the security goons of a tyrant, or a small time dealer who got on the wrong side of a drug lord. In fact, he’s a former child labourer, now the leader of Frente Nacional de Lucha, a public services trade union in Guatemala – the most dangerous country in  the world in which to be a trade unionist.

According to the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), 73 trade unionists have been murdered in the Central American nation since 2007. That makes it the most deadly place in the world to be a trade unionist, on a per-capita basis. No one has been convicted of the crimes.

“Labour and trade union rights violations are the rule, not the exception in Guatemala,” says Rosa Pavanelli, General Secretary of Public Services International, a global trade union federation representing 20 million workers.

“A wide range of punitive measures are used against trade union members, from threats, relocation, redeployment and dismissal to administrative sanctions and criminal convictions, physical attacks and murder. Although Guatemala is one of the most unequal countries in the world, privatisation of public services continues. The repression against those who speak up is guided by the interests of international corporations and the national elite.”

The funeral of Carlos Hernández, a trade unionist who was shot last year.

Having recently emerged from a bloody history of military dictatorship and civil war, Guatemala now finds itself caught up in another conflict being fought by the region’s drug cartels. According to human rights organisations, the country has a weak judicial system that fuels a culture of impunity and fear so when unionists campaign for better labour rights, it’s easy for those with power and money to shut them up without repercussions.

After his daughter was kidnapped, both she and Luis were offered asylum by the US Embassy. But while she fled, he refused to give up the fight he’d dedicated his life to.

“I didn’t want to go into exile, to flee and suffer in another country and be far away from what I really loved. I have a deep love for this fight. We are fighting for democracy in Guatemala – that’s our fight. And it’s not an armed fight, it’s a fight to build peace with positive actions,” says Luis.

In Sweden, the most unionised country in the world, 67.5 percent of the working population is part of a trade union. In the UK – which has some of the most restrictive anti-trade union laws of anywhere that’s not a dictatorship – it’s 25.8 percent. As a result of anti-union violence, current union membership in Guatemala lies at just 1.6 per cent of the working population.

Over the past year a number of international delegations have visited the country to meet with the Guatemalan president and urge his government actually do something about the wave of deaths. The Guatemalan government insists that it is doing everything it can to prevent new attacks against unionists. But so far that has involved offering to increase protection for union workers who feel their lives are in danger and creating a number of roundtable discussions. “[The roundtables] have the objective of developing prevention policies to avoid attacks against workers and union leaders […] and exchanging information to be able to combat the criminals or the perpetrators of the crimes,” says Guatemalan Labour Minister, Carlos Contreras Solórzano.

Unsurprsingly, Luis says holding round table meet ‘n’ greets doesn’t really constitute taking action compared to, say, finding and prosecuting the hit men that have threatened and murdered his colleagues. He can’t remember exactly how many death threats he’s received, but thinks it’s probably somewhere between ten and 15.

“Almost everyone here has received death threats,” he says, pointing to his colleagues at Frente Nacional de Lucha. “It’s rare not to receive one. The last one I received was more or less a year ago. Someone put my name in an obituary – as if I was dead. They splashed blood on it and left it where I’d find it, like saying: ‘you’re already dead’.”

The local press has been less than helpful, too. “A newspaper also published a supplement saying I was a terrorist. But terrorism because you demand justice, equality, peace, because you demand democracy? All those elements that around the world are common and respected. Here, they might be written down, but they’re not respected.”

In March 2013, the Guatemalan government signed an agreement with the International Labour Organization (ILO) to investigate and prosecute crimes against trade union members. However, just days after the mission left the country, three more trade unionists were murdered. A permanent ILO representative has since been instated in the country.

“Today the union movement has new challenges. Before, you knew who the owner of a business was, but now you have no clue. The owner could be hidden away over there, he could be a drug trafficker or someone involved in organised crime. There are visible enemies and then there are invisible enemies and when you touch their interests they turn on you.

“When a union leader starts to denounce a situation, it hits invisible people. They’re against us because we step on their interests. It’s not because they’re defending labour rights,” states Luis. He says he’s never considered another career and has become accustomed to the fear that accompanies him in his day job. “The fear’s always been there. It brings you down today and tomorrow you get up again – it never goes away but we’ve made the decision to continue with our fight in the middle of all these fears, of all these threats. I’ll keep fighting, it’s not about resigning and walking away.”

In March the ILO decided to postpone a vote on whether or not to instigate a Commission of Inquiry in Guatemala until November. If they do go ahead with it, the in depth inquiry will be one of only 11 that have taken place in nearly 100 years of ILO’s existence.

Guatemala is at a crossroads. The current government pledged to start a process to end anti-union violence and implemented several initiatives on social dialogue and consultation with trade unions. But when trade unionists are being murdered and threatened, dialogue alone is not going to put them at ease, or punish the killers.

Film explores young Guatemalans who turn to breakdancing to escape gang life (Tico Times)

GUATEMALA CITY – Guatemala City’s ghettos are renowned for their gangs, drugs and violence. But when U.S.-born director Coury Deeb stayed in one, he saw a different side to life in the slums – one of people trying to escape their surroundings through dance.

“We met with some B-Boys and learned that though they look like gangsters, many of them are not gangsters or involved in criminal activities. Yet they live next door to gangsters who often pursue them to join their gangs,” Deeb said.

“What we saw with the B-Boys was a group whose desire was to be part of something good, to express themselves through art, through B-Boying,” Deeb added.

Deeb’s film production company, Nadus Films, believes in using what people are good at to serve and empower.

Shining a light on the breakdancing subculture of Guatemala City, “BBoy for Life” showcases how Cheez, Gato and Leidy defy death and escape the pressure and violence of gangs through dancing.

Cheez, 22, is one of the best B-Boys in Central America and forms part of the dance group Poker Crew. He taught himself to breakdance in 2008 and has since gone on to perform for the Guatemalan president and represent his country at international B-Boy competitions in France and El Salvador. He sees breakdancing as a way to reduce crime, and a few months ago started a dance movement called Urban Attack. However, he wasn’t always so focused.

“When I was little I was surrounded by people in gangs that mugged and stole. I was used when I was little, they would tell me, ‘Stay here and if the police come, let us know.’ I would stand there and they would go on a bus and start robbing. I agreed because I was young, and when you’re a kid, you’re looking for examples of who to follow.”

Cheez, whose real name is Walfer Lossi, said his life changed when he started dancing. He learned to turn down destructive things like drugs and crime. But the change has its consequences.

“I’ve had trouble with people who don’t like what I do. They’ve hurt and threatened me because of what I do,” he said.

Being a B-Boy in Guatemala City carries a burden and a risk due to the plague of gangs throughout the ghettos. Gang members always are looking for new recruits. According to a 2012 report by Human Rights Watch, Guatemala has one of the highest rates of violent crime in the region, which is mainly the product of armed groups and criminal gangs who exert a similar level of power to that of terrorist groups in other countries.

Leidy Estrada was originally hired to provide security during the documentary’s production, but she quickly emerged as one of the story’s main characters.

“What’s interesting about Leidy is that she was in prison and was an active gangster. When we landed for the first production trip she was only three days out of prison. Our partners on the ground thought ‘what better person to watch for dangerous activity than someone who knows the streets very well,’” Deeb said.

“Learning about us, Native Films, learning about why we do what we do, learning about our characters and meeting the B-Boys, [Leidy] was turned on to a world of opportunity, redemption and information. She became the bridge between good and evil,” he added.

Originally imprisoned for extortion, Leidy’s life changed dramatically when she met the B-Boy community. She recently graduated as valedictorian and now manages finances for a nongovernmental organization, as well as giving talks to youths on the reality of being in a gang.

“When I got out of prison I left the gang. It was a hard decision because I was worried they’d harm my family, my children or myself. They don’t let you go easily. But thank God we’re still here without problems,” she said.

“My purpose [in the film] was to help a lot of youths and tell them not to fall into the path I fell into, to talk about how my story has changed. I hope it helps a lot of children to change their minds about gangs and to think about them,” she added.

A story of hope, struggle and redemption, “BBoy for Life” exposes not only the threat Guatemalans face on a daily basis, but also the journey many of those who are surrounded by violence seek towards a life where peace and hope shine more brightly.

“‘BBoy for Life’ shows that there’s beauty in the mix of one of Guatemala City’s darkest neighborhoods,” Deeb said.

“BBoy for Life” was screened at the United Nations last month and will be available worldwide On-Demand starting May 15.

For more information, click here.

Guatemala “must do more” to protect trade unionists (Equal Times)

The Guatemalan president Otto Pérez Molina has promised to continue investigating crimes against trade unionists and to provide them with more security if they consider their lives to be in danger.

<p>Workers and their unions face widespread violations of the most basic rights in Guatemala</p>
Workers and their unions face widespread violations of the most basic rights in Guatemala(AP/Moises Castillo)


The pledge follows increasing international pressure to end impunity in the Central American nation and seek justice for the 73 trade unionists murdered there in the past few years.

On a per capita basis, Guatemala remains the most dangerous country in the world to be a trade unionist.

Workers and their unions face widespread violations of the most basic rights, such as the right to organise and to negotiate on behalf of the workers they represent.

A number of the trade unionists killed for campaigning for better labour rights had previously sought government protection after receiving death threats.

However, the protection was not given and they were subsequently murdered.

Under international pressure, the government has consequently created protection programmes to provide trade unionists with security if they feel they are at risk.

But many trade unionists say this response alone is not enough.

“We are still worried because there are no firm sentences,” said Luis Lara, general secretary of the Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Salud de Guatemala (SNTSPG), which is a part of the Frente Nacional de Lucha people’s movement.

“In the case of the assassination of our colleague Carlos Hernandez Mendoza, it continues without a sentence. In the case of our colleague Ovidio Ortiz Cajas there isn’t a sentence either.”

Ongoing failure

Both Guatemalan trade unions and the international trade union movement have repeatedly voiced their concerns over the ongoing failure of the judicial system to bring sentences against those responsible for the assassinations of trade unionists.

During the past year, a number of high-level international delegations have travelled to the country to meet with the president and urge his government to put an end to the wave of trade unionist deaths or risk losing its favoured trade status with Europe and the United States.

Public Services International (PSI) recently held its annual regional conference in Guatemala City and confronted Pérez Molina about the lack of advances made since its previous visit six months ago.

“Although some cosmetic changes have been made and numerous bodies and institutions created, this has not led to substantive change,” said Sandra Vermuyten, PSI Equality and Rights Officer.

“On the contrary, impunity continues and the government refuses to implement the agreements that it has signed.

“The United Nations High Commissioner [for Human Rights] very clearly pointed out the continued mass murders, displacing of indigenous people [and] violence against trade unionists. These are all signs of a failing state that is an accomplice of the interests of a handful of people, for whom no rules exist.”

Last month, the ILO decided to postpone a vote on whether or not to instigate a Commission of Inquiry in Guatemala until November, giving the country more time to address all of the issues raised in the road map that it signed at the end of October.

President Pérez Molina assured the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) general secretary, Sharan Burrow, that it is Guatemala’s intention to comply with the international convention that guarantees the right to freedom of association, and committed to send out a circular to all government institutions, calling for respect of freedom of Association and collective bargaining.

“Time is long overdue for Mr Pérez Molina to start to deliver on more than good intentions for the working women and men of Guatemala,” said Burrow.

“The international trade union movement will otherwise need to intensify its lobby for a Commission of Inquiry (the highest level of investigative procedure in the ILO) to be created.”

This will eventually have an impact on Guatemala’s free trade agreements, especially the CAFTA Arbitration Board, and significantly raise the possibility of a complaint procedure with the European Union.

Guatemala´s treasured lake Atitlan is dying (Tico Times)


Once described by Aldous Huxley as the Lake Como of Guatemala, Lake Atitlán is a justified staple on the Central American tourist trail. However, over the past few years, agrochemicals, raw sewage, litter and shore development have taken their toll, turning the fresh blue water a murky shade of brown, and turning tourists away.

This week a joint initiative by the Italian and Guatemalan governments called “Yo soy Atitlán” aims to raise the profile of Lake Atitlán’s problems and work with environmental organizations, experts and the surrounding communities to combat the contamination that threatens to destroy one of the world’s most picturesque places.

What was considered to be a local problem has drawn international concern as a team of Italian experts arrived in Guatemala earlier this week, keen to share their knowledge of how their own country rescued its lakes in the 1980s.

The Italian Embassy in Guatemala said that in “Italy, too, we have lived through contamination.”

According to a study by Del Valle University in Guatemala, over the past 45 years the pollution of Lake Atitlán, located 120 kilometers west of the capital, has contributed to a reduction in the transparency of the water, from 11 meters to 5.5 meters, and a decrease in the concentration of oxygen in the water from 7mg/liter to 0.3.

Margaret Dix, a biology professor at Del Valle University, said that pollution of the lake has led to a reduction in tourism, jobs, fish and food, and an increase in poverty and illnesses for the surrounding communities, for whom the lake represents a primary source of water.

“Every year one million cubic meters of untreated raw sewage enters the lake; 109,500 metric tons of litter – 3 pounds of solid waste per person, per day – and 110,000 metric tons of soil is lost due to erosion,” Dix said.

“To improve the ecological conditions of the lake, territorial planning is needed with an integrated management of solid and liquid waste to prevent the entry of raw sewage and to reduce the accumulation of phosphorous and nitrogen.

“Experiences in other parts of the world show that generally for lakes similar to Atitlán, traditional treatment plants are inadequate and have a prohibitively high operational cost. The solution is to export raw sewage to another basin where it can be treated to eliminate pathogens and the water can be used in agriculture. Many experts consider this to be the best option,” Dix said.

Various activities have been organized as part of the two-week campaign launch, such as an Italian rock concert in Guatemala City, which was opened by a Mayan cultural group and attended by approximately 1,000 people. Proceeds were donated to the Yo soy Atitlán program.

A forum for experts – from environmental ministers to conservationists – also was held to discuss possible solutions to eliminate the contamination, and a project called “Lancha Azul” will kick off next week to encourage dialogue among the surrounding lake communities and to teach them about solid-waste management.

Yo soy Atitlán hopes to encourage as many people as possible from the government and nongovernmental organizations, as well as environmental experts, communities around the lake and academic institutions to get involved and debate the challenges and goals for Lake Atitlán over the coming years.

The Guatemalan government already has agreed to allocate more funds to increase garbage collections in the area, purify water and improve waste management systems.

“The future is in our hands. There’s still time to stop the degradation process of Lake Atitlán,” said Dix.

Twitter Updates

Enter your email address to follow this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.